发布时间:2019-11-18 19:48:15|16粒中3个复式二中二中多少组| 来源 :立体中国


  WASHINGTON — The irony was difficult to miss: on the same day that racist images surfaced from Gov. Ralph Northam’s medical school yearbook page, Senator Cory Booker announced his bid to become the nation’s second black president and entered what is the most diverse campaign field in history.

  But the near-simultaneous reminders of the country’s ugly past on race and the prospects for a more inclusive future were not just a matter of happenstance: it reflected the duality of American politics in the Trump era.

  The largest class of women were just sworn into Congress last month. The congressional black and Hispanic caucuses are as big as they have ever been. Several Democratic candidates for president — female, black, Hispanic, Asian-American, gay — reflect the diversity of the country. And on Tuesday night, a leading African-American politician, Stacey Abrams of Georgia, will appear before millions to give the Democratic response to the State of the Union.

  If President Trump’s election amounted to an angry rejoinder to America’s first black president, as many on the left believe, Mr. Trump has created a backlash of his own, energizing women and people of color who represent an unmistakable rebuke to his demagogy on race and ethnicity and his misogynistic attacks.

  [Check out the Democratic field with our candidate tracker.]

  But the president is also reshaping Democratic politics in far-reaching ways: His divisive behavior, and the Republican silence that often meets it, has pushed Democrats to try to set an example by aggressively confronting current and past misconduct in their own ranks, as they did with Mr. Northam, the Virginia leader who has admitted to one racist episode — wearing blackface at a dance contest — and has struggled to explain a racist photo and the nickname “coonman” on his yearbook pages.

  And since Mr. Trump’s election, Democrats are also speaking far more bluntly about issues of race and identity at a time when their base is increasingly made up of people of color and white progressives.

  In doing so, Democrats have been giving no quarter to their own. Al Franken, the former Minnesota senator, found that out in 2017, when his own colleagues gave him little choice but to resign in the wake of sexual harassment accusations. Some Democrats were concerned that party leaders like Senator Kirsten Gillibrand were moving too fast against one of their own, Mr. Franken; Ms. Gillibrand defended her stand and is now running for president, partly on her commitment to gender equality.

  Mr. Northam discovered the zero-tolerance posture of his party within hours of the picture of a man in blackface and another in Ku Klux Klan robes appearing online.

  The governor’s aides quickly telephoned Democrats working for some of the 2020 hopefuls, pleading with the candidates not to call for his resignation, according to a Democrat familiar with the conversations, but to no avail. Some of the first party figures to call on Mr. Northam to step down were the White House candidates like former Mayor Julián Castro of San Antonio and Senator Kamala Harris.

  “For us to be critical of the president and not be willing to stand up to one of our own would be hypocritical,” said Representative Donald McEachin of Virginia, who on Friday night called for the resignation of Mr. Northam, his classmate in the State Senate. “As we distinguish ourselves from the Trump Republican Party, we really need to be careful as to what we do.”

  Some of the Democrats running for president have already taken the cue. Senator Elizabeth Warren has made the economic difficulties facing people of color a pillar of her stump speech, while Ms. Gillibrand used a Martin Luther King Day speech to speak about race and being a white woman.

  And the candidates of color are proudly highlighting the communities they are grounded in. Mr. Castro announced his presidential campaign in a Hispanic enclave of San Antonio, where he was raised. Ms. Harris spent the first day of her campaign at Howard University, her alma mater and one of the country’s most storied historically black colleges. And Mr. Booker announced in front of the rowhouse he calls home in predominantly black Newark.

  “There’s no way that Democrats are going to nominate somebody who is timid on race or gender issues,” said Daniella Gibbs Léger, a senior vice president at the Center for American Progress, a liberal research institute.

  There is also more grass-roots pressure on the party’s incumbent lawmakers, especially those who represent progressive and often-diverse constituencies. Two of the most high-profile House freshman, Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ayanna Pressley, won their seats by defeating old-guard Democrats, both of them white men, in primaries. And there are similar races taking place at the state legislative level across the country.

  “People are demanding more from elected officials because of what we’re dealing with in the White House,” said Yasmine Taeb, an Iranian-American human rights lawyer in Virginia who is challenging one of the state’s most powerful state senators in a primary this year.

  As demonstrated by Mr. Northam, who admitted to putting shoe polish on his face once for a Michael Jackson-themed party, there are plenty of Democrats who have acted in ways the party cannot tolerate. But what is disheartening to many in the party is that they are seeing uneven gains beyond their ranks.

  “Democrats are finally starting to move in the right direction,” said Representative Cedric Richmond of Louisiana, who just finished a stint as head of the Congressional Black Caucus. “But Republicans and the country at large have a ways to go.”

  He pointed to what has become routine stories about the police being called to check on black people who were not violating any laws. “Every week there’s a new one,” said Mr. Richmond, pinning the blame on Mr. Trump for the rise in racist incidents and spike in hate crimes. “I think he enables those who don’t want us to move forward.”

  Representative Karen Bass of California, the new head of the black caucus, said “there is a new level of consciousness” about the harassment of African-Americans “whereas in the past they’d say, ‘I’m sure you’re exaggerating.’ So thank goodness for cellphone cameras.”

  Ms. Bass said despite her unease with Mr. Trump she was “encouraged by this moment.”

  But Ms. Packnett was blunt about the need for structural change — and not being too fixated on individual or even collective gains in representation.

  “Black excellence has never been proof of the death of racism,” she said, invoking some of what she described as the naïveté associated with the election of the first black president. “Some people acted like Obama got elected and his wife went to an Ivy League school so racism is over.”

  The larger goal, Ms. Packnett added, should be “moving from political stars to policy accomplishments.”

  “It’s one thing to have a person in a position; it’s another thing to have multiple people in multiple positions doing the work we need to make progress,” she said.

  What Mr. Trump may have done, though, is open the eyes of moderate and more liberal whites about the country’s lingering racial and gender inequities and — whether out of guilt, anger, embarrassment or some combination — prompted them to take out their discontent on Republicans.

  “They’re saying, ‘What’s happening is wrong and the people who support this president don’t deserve my vote,’” said Ms. Léger, before hastening to add that midterm victories still may not be worth what triggered them.

  “I think if you asked most people, ‘Would you rather have the great progress like we had in 2018 or not have Trump at all,’ they’d say not have Trump because of everything else he’s ushered in,” she said.



  16粒中3个复式二中二中多少组【涂】【山】【云】【州】【随】【即】【看】【向】【本】【族】【狐】【主】,【见】【她】【一】【脸】【的】【笑】【意】,【便】【猜】【想】【到】【了】【接】【下】【来】【会】【发】【生】【的】【一】【切】【了】。 “【云】【州】,【青】【丘】【狐】【主】【今】【日】【带】【着】【迦】【烨】【来】,【是】【为】【了】【向】【你】【膝】【下】【的】【女】【儿】【求】【亲】【的】。【如】【今】【就】【只】【等】【着】【你】【们】【两】【人】【的】【定】【夺】【了】。”【涂】【山】【狐】【主】【满】【脸】【满】【眼】【的】【笑】【意】,【都】【诠】【释】【着】【她】【对】【这】【门】【婚】【事】【有】【多】【看】【好】,【多】【赞】【同】。 “【我】【夫】【妻】【二】【人】【对】【黎】【儿】【与】【迦】【烨】【的】【婚】【事】【一】【切】【都】【听】

  【随】【即】【张】【鑫】【再】【一】【次】【看】【向】【那】【两】【人】,【又】【接】【着】【问】【了】【一】【些】【问】【题】,【主】【要】【是】【在】【这】【个】【寒】【焰】【潭】【内】【需】【要】【注】【意】【的】【事】【情】,【还】【有】【就】【是】【这】【寒】【焰】【潭】【在】【这】【草】【原】【的】【什】【么】【方】【向】【要】【想】【前】【往】【寒】【焰】【潭】,【那】【至】【少】【也】【要】【知】【道】【这】【寒】【焰】【潭】【在】【那】【里】,【别】【走】【错】【了】【方】【向】【遇】【到】【麻】【烦】【不】【说】,【甚】【至】【还】【会】【有】【大】【量】【的】【危】【险】【出】【现】【呢】 【见】【到】【已】【经】【问】【这】【两】【人】【差】【不】【多】【了】,【这】【张】【鑫】【等】【人】【都】【已】【经】【沉】【默】【了】【下】【来】【而】【那】

  “【万】【像】【园】?”【白】【小】【七】【疑】【问】【道】 “【你】【是】【说】【那】【些】【立】【满】【了】【一】【尊】【尊】【高】【大】【石】【像】【的】【园】【林】” 【那】【尹】【川】【修】【听】【了】【是】【叹】【息】【道】“【也】【许】【冥】【冥】【之】【中】【自】【有】【定】【数】!” 【白】【小】【七】【见】【尹】【川】【修】【一】【脸】【忧】【愁】【不】【由】【得】【问】【道】“【真】【君】【何】【出】【此】【言】?” 【只】【听】【那】【尹】【川】【修】【道】”【你】【是】【有】【所】【不】【知】【那】【万】【像】【园】【里】【立】【着】【的】【每】【一】【尊】【石】【像】【生】【也】【都】【注】【有】【一】【丝】【神】【力】【是】【用】【来】【吸】【收】【天】【地】【灵】【气】【来】【维】【持】【玄】

  【地】【铁】【开】【动】,【很】【快】【对】【拥】【挤】【的】【抱】【怨】【就】【被】【对】【地】【铁】【速】【度】【之】【快】【的】【惊】【艳】【所】【替】【代】【了】。【钱】【思】【思】【生】【活】【在】【小】【城】,【只】【有】【到】【了】【魔】【都】【才】【做】【过】【地】【铁】。【那】【天】【送】【妈】【妈】【去】***【就】【做】【过】【地】【铁】【了】,【但】【是】【第】【二】【次】【坐】,【仍】【然】【是】【感】【慨】【人】【类】【文】【明】【肆】【虐】【的】【步】【伐】【太】【快】! 【蒋】【胜】【男】【和】【钱】【思】【思】【都】【是】【差】【不】【多】【的】【心】【情】,【小】【芳】【就】【自】【然】【的】【多】,【因】【为】【她】【家】【住】【在】S【省】【的】【省】【会】【城】【市】,【那】【里】【也】【是】【通】【了】

  【陆】【亦】【安】【嘴】【角】【抽】【了】【抽】,【狠】【狠】【的】【咬】【了】【一】【口】【包】【子】,“【你】【说】【得】【对】,【像】【我】【这】【种】【天】【天】【做】【粗】【活】【的】【人】,【怎】【么】【可】【能】【会】【是】【千】【金】。” “【听】【说】【丞】【相】【府】【三】【姑】【娘】【被】【罚】【了】?”【乞】【丐】【小】【心】【翼】【翼】【道】。 【陆】【亦】【安】“【嗯】”【了】【一】【声】,【面】【色】【平】【静】【道】:“【说】【是】【与】【人】【私】【通】。” “【听】【闻】【她】【前】【几】【日】【被】【追】【杀】【了】。”【乞】【丐】【又】【道】。 【陆】【亦】【安】【点】【点】【头】,“【她】【命】【不】【好】,【刚】【从】【鬼】【门】16粒中3个复式二中二中多少组【下】【面】【响】【起】【阵】【阵】【哀】【嚎】,【前】【方】【那】【十】【多】【个】【人】【浑】【身】【是】【血】【的】【躺】【在】【地】【上】,【身】【上】【沾】【满】【了】【绿】【色】【的】【液】【体】,【就】【像】【强】【酸】【一】【样】,【一】【点】【点】【的】【腐】【蚀】【着】【他】【们】【的】【身】【体】。 【原】【本】【阻】【拦】【怪】【物】【的】【火】【焰】【被】【不】【知】【名】【的】【绿】【色】【液】【体】【熄】【灭】。 【一】【个】【男】【人】【强】【撑】【着】【身】【体】【晃】【悠】【悠】【的】【站】【了】【起】【来】,【但】【没】【走】【几】【步】,【就】【栽】【倒】【在】【了】【地】【上】。 【撑】【着】【手】【回】【头】【一】【看】。 【双】【腿】【已】【经】【无】【力】【的】【断】【掉】,【慢】

  【显】【而】【易】【见】,【魔】【族】【对】【于】【对】【于】【魔】【道】【的】【信】【仰】【还】【是】【非】【常】【虔】【诚】【的】。 【陈】【小】【北】【亮】【出】【魔】【道】【印】【记】【和】【灭】【世】【黑】【莲】,【便】【铁】【证】【如】【山】【地】【证】【明】【了】【自】【己】【的】【魔】【祖】【身】【份】。 【正】【因】【如】【此】,【罗】【睺】【跪】【地】,【这】【一】【方】【的】【庞】【大】【军】【队】【也】【纷】【纷】【跪】【地】。 【如】【此】【一】【来】,【就】【代】【表】【罗】【睺】【所】【掌】【控】【的】【所】【有】【地】【盘】【内】【的】【所】【有】【百】【姓】,【都】【会】【认】【可】【陈】【小】【北】【的】【魔】【祖】【身】【份】。 【等】【于】【说】,【陈】【小】【北】【就】【是】【亮】【了】

  【今】【日】【距】【离】【何】【莲】【逝】【世】【已】【经】【三】【年】,【我】【身】【着】【黄】【袍】【在】【御】【花】【园】【里】【散】【步】,【如】【今】【这】【皇】【宫】【越】【来】【越】【热】【闹】,【苏】【芸】【已】【于】【去】【年】【嫁】【入】【驸】【马】【府】,【三】【月】【前】【诞】【下】【龙】【凤】【胎】,【为】【皇】【族】【新】【添】【了】【血】【脉】,【这】【会】【儿】【驸】【马】【陪】【她】【回】【宫】【探】【亲】。 【母】【后】【和】【父】【皇】【一】【月】【前】【去】【了】【南】【宁】,【传】【闻】【春】【时】【南】【宁】【最】【热】【闹】【的】【节】【日】【百】【花】【节】【要】【到】【了】,【热】【闹】【非】【凡】,【我】【亦】【想】【去】【看】【看】【那】【场】【景】,【只】【是】【国】【事】【缠】【身】,【无】【论】

  【大】【概】【十】【分】【钟】【左】【右】,【救】【护】【车】【停】【在】【叶】【瞳】【家】【门】【口】。 【医】【生】【和】【护】【士】【将】【叶】【妈】【抬】【上】【救】【护】【车】,【叶】【瞳】【和】【王】【大】【爷】【一】【同】【坐】【上】【救】【护】【车】。 【救】【护】【车】【拉】【响】【警】【笛】,【启】【动】【车】【子】【往】【附】【近】【的】【医】【院】【行】【驶】【而】【去】。 【在】【抢】【救】【室】【门】【口】…… 【叶】【瞳】【蹲】【在】【门】【口】,【双】【目】【乏】【红】,【看】【着】【抢】【救】【室】【的】【灯】。 【王】【大】【爷】【在】【一】【旁】【看】【着】,【要】【不】【是】【医】【院】【不】【允】【许】【抽】【烟】,【说】【不】【出】【他】【现】【在】【已】【经】【点】

  【京】【城】,【胡】【同】【里】。 【几】【个】【年】【轻】【人】【这】【个】【时】【候】【聚】【在】【了】【一】【起】,【吞】【云】【吐】【雾】【的】。【其】【中】【一】【个】【年】【轻】【人】【蓄】【着】【长】【发】,【左】【臂】【上】【带】【着】【一】【个】【黑】【金】【链】【子】。 【看】【起】【来】【跟】【黑】【涩】【会】【似】【的】。 【哎】,【其】【实】【不】【是】。 【他】【们】【也】【是】【曲】【艺】【世】【家】,【只】【不】【过】【呢】【是】【世】【家】【里】【面】【不】【怎】【么】【成】【材】【的】【那】【几】【个】【人】。 【这】【个】【蓄】【着】【长】【发】【的】,【名】【字】【叫】【做】【吴】【世】【之】。【他】【姐】【姐】,【就】【是】【那】【个】【跟】【吕】【哲】【波】【有】