HAVANA — A young man posts images of street flooding in the neighborhood of Centro Habana on social media. His neighbors take to the internet to voice their complaints, demanding that the government repair the sewage system. Sixty years after the triumph of the revolution, Cubans are still not allowed to express their discontent in the public plazas, so they make the most of these virtual spaces to call for action by the government.
On Dec. 6, a new line of communication opened up for the more than 11 million people inhabiting this Caribbean island. As on the day our child was born or we heard that Fidel Castro had died, we Cubans will remember what we were doing when mobile internet services were rolled out here for the first time.
We all know how and when this new era of connectivity started, but few dare forecast how far it will go. The prospect of increased interconnectedness among the public must now be Revolution Square officials’ worst nightmare.
Deals offering four gigabytes of data for web browsing cost a month, roughly the same as most Cubans' monthly salary. With prices that high, most people cannot afford it. Many are forced to choose between browsing online or eating; chatting with a friend or replacing a light bulb; watching a video on YouTube or paying for their shared taxi to get to work.
But that doesn’t mean that Cubans aren’t taking advantage of the service. A good portion of the bills incurred by web surfers are being paid by expatriates who want to keep in touch with their families in Cuba. Those who were criticized by the government for leaving the island instead of staying to build Utopia are the primary supporters of those who remained behind. This contradiction has not gone unnoticed, giving rise to a new way to refer to exiles: “de traidores a traedólares” or “from traitors to dollar-bringers.”
And it was Cubans in the diaspora, echoing voices within the country, who lobbied most vigorously for increased connectivity. In 2015, when the first wireless Wi-Fi hot spots were set up in squares and parks around Cuba, thousands streamed in to talk to their relatives abroad, giddy with excitement over this new way to connect.
The image of that collective euphoria stands in stark contrast to web access earlier in this century, when the first shops offering internet services — though only to tourists and other foreigners — opened in Cuba. In April 2007, from one such place near the neoclassical Capitol in Havana, I wrote my first post for my blog, Generación Y.
Wearing sandals, feigning the dazed look of someone who just landed on the island, and covered with enough sunblock to convince the security guards that I was from Europe, I babbled a few words, mixing bad Spanish and coarse German. This ruse allowed me to buy my first card, sit down in front of a state-owned computer and log my first entry: A blogger was born!
Those early years also saw the rise of an army of government trolls who flooded the comments sections of homegrown sites that were critical of the Communist Party with revolutionary slogans. Under pseudonyms they attacked dissenters with epithets and rumors and questioned the moral standing of those who disagreed with them. They no longer needed the courts or bullets to assassinate reputations; a simple tweet punch would do the trick.
The revolutionary commander Ramiro Valdés stood out during this time for launching brutal ideological battles to fight new technology. As minister of information and communication, Mr. Valdés defined in harsh words the relationship between Cuba’s “historic generation” of older revolutionaries and the new era brought about by mobile phones, USB memory sticks and computers built by Cubans using parts bought on the black market.
The internet is a “wild colt” that “can and must be controlled,” Mr. Valdés once said. Digital spaces were simply strongholds that needed to be overrun, and this would remain the government’s attitude for over a decade.
Independent blog pioneers were accused of being “cyber-mercenaries” who were trained by the Central Intelligence Agency, and a project called Operation Truth began at Cuba’s University of Information Sciences to back the official position. The first Cuban Twitter users were portrayed on national television as pawns in the new offensive by the United States against the revolution.
From that fierce battle for digital expression I came away with some social scars.
Though I no longer need to fake an accent to get internet access, the government’s intolerance of free expression has barely eased, and independent journalists are still targets for the police.
The digital plaza — a virtual space made up of social networks where Cubans who cannot physically meet can express their political views — offers a more holistic view of Cuba, one from a pluralistic perspective. Access to 3G mobile technology has allowed activists to call for a no vote in the referendum on the new Constitution, to strongly condemn Decree 349, which limits artistic freedom, and to protest how Miguel Díaz-Canel was elevated to the presidency without the people’s consent.
But in Parliament, in public places and at the centers of power, only one side of the argument can still be heard.
While he doesn’t have a political agenda of his own, President Díaz-Canel has sought to set himself apart from his predecessors, at least in the way he approaches technology. The country’s first president in more than half a century whose surname isn’t Castro, Mr. Díaz-Canel opened a Twitter account and directed his cabinet ministers to do the same. Unfortunately, this 58-year-old engineer, handpicked by Raúl Castro, as well as the few officials (now in their 80s) left from the historic generation, use this new media to reinforce their old political model and attack dissenters.
Mr. Díaz-Canel uses the same worn-out rhetoric as the Castros did, which means that his internet presence is unlikely to pump the oxygen of new technologies into the rusty lungs of a 20th-century revolution.
Yet the new connectivity is already taking a heavy toll on a government that has been unable to get on the bandwagon of modernity.
Young people complaining about the quality of the bread in the rationed food market; dissidents recording the violent arrests; passengers annoyed by the poor state of public transport posting about being stuck on broken-down buses; Facebook comments objecting to what deputies of the National Assembly say — all part of the phenomenon we have been witnessing since the mobile internet rollout.
Activism is bound to grow along with this connectivity. As access to the internet increases, coming together, at least digitally, will be easier in a country where the right of free association remains limited, even if dissenters and journalists still have to find their way around censorship. More important, it will weaken the control over information exerted by a system originally conceived to change everything, but which today resists even the slightest hint of change.
Yoani Sánchez manages the blog Generación Y and the digital newspaper 14ymedio.
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买马准确最高的网站【然】【后】【林】【淼】【就】【被】【郝】【锦】【时】【给】【抛】【在】【了】【路】【边】。 【林】【淼】【看】【着】【那】【窜】【出】【去】【的】【奔】【驰】【大】G，【又】【看】【看】【手】【里】【那】【把】【钥】【匙】，“【得】【给】【老】【板】【和】【老】【板】【娘】【留】【出】【私】【人】【空】【间】！【自】【己】【多】【跑】【两】【趟】【没】【关】【系】！” “【打】【车】！” 【林】【淼】【心】【想】，【他】【今】【天】【一】【定】【要】【留】【好】【打】【车】【票】【据】，【然】【后】【找】【自】【家】【老】【板】【报】【销】！ ——————————— 【许】【心】【念】【一】【直】【看】【着】【窗】【外】，【脑】【海】【里】【过】【着】【自】
【其】【实】【是】【不】【太】【好】【意】【思】【开】【这】【个】【口】【的】，【但】【是】【实】【在】【是】【没】【办】【法】【了】QAQ 【双】【双】【这】【几】【天】【实】【在】【是】【太】【累】【了】，【每】【天】【早】【上】【睁】【开】【眼】【睛】【就】【是】“【啊】【今】【天】【又】【是】【一】【堆】【事】【好】【烦】【好】【无】【奈】”【的】【生】【无】【可】【恋】【的】【状】【态】，【而】【且】【马】【上】【就】【是】【中】【秋】【节】【了】，【要】【忙】【的】【事】【情】【越】【来】【越】【多】，【想】【哭】…… 【现】【在】【的】【更】【新】【基】【本】【都】【是】【双】【双】【每】【天】【晚】【上】【紧】【赶】【慢】【赶】【跑】【回】【来】【然】【后】【在】【闹】【吵】【吵】【堪】【比】【菜】【市】【场】【的】【环】【境】【中】
【一】【澜】【气】【的】【都】【要】【吐】【血】【了】，【还】【管】【什】【么】【原】【因】。【不】，【等】【一】【下】，【那】【丫】【头】【一】【本】【正】【经】【的】【样】【子】，【好】【像】【说】【的】【是】【真】【的】。【如】【果】【是】【真】【的】，【他】【确】【实】【很】【想】【知】【道】【原】【因】。 【咿】，【他】【到】【底】【在】【想】【什】【么】，【被】【人】【带】【坑】【里】【去】【了】。 “【胡】【说】【八】【道】，【这】【个】【世】【界】，【我】【若】【不】【能】【飞】【升】，【其】【他】【人】【更】【不】【可】【能】【飞】【升】。”【他】【是】【这】【个】【世】【界】【最】【强】【大】【的】【人】，【他】【不】【能】，【别】【人】【自】【然】【也】【不】【能】。 【凌】【悠】
“【领】【袖】，【这】【个】【号】【码】【一】【致】【在】【试】【图】【联】【系】【您】，【让】【我】【给】【拦】【截】【了】，【会】【不】【会】【有】【问】【题】……” 【在】【洛】【漓】【锲】【而】【不】【舍】【联】【系】【了】【几】【十】【次】【后】，【终】【端】【的】【机】【器】【人】【察】【觉】【端】【倪】，【主】【动】【将】【这】【件】【事】【上】【报】【给】【了】【苏】【泽】。 【而】【苏】【泽】【已】【经】【整】【整】【三】【天】【没】【有】【合】【过】【眼】【了】。 【身】【体】【很】【疲】【惫】。 【可】【每】【当】【他】【一】【闭】【上】【眼】，【就】【会】【浮】【现】【白】【洛】【漓】【被】【于】【唯】【霆】【压】【住】【为】【所】【欲】【为】【的】【画】【面】。 【心】【中】【的】
【这】【种】【变】【化】，【虽】【然】【一】【次】【次】【的】【在】【不】【同】【世】【界】【晋】【升】，【灵】【魂】【微】【小】【的】【调】【整】【已】【经】【非】【常】【熟】【悉】【了】，【但】【是】【量】【子】【纠】【缠】【态】【的】【每】【一】【次】【变】【化】，【都】【让】【人】【欲】【罢】【不】【能】。 【不】【过】【不】【能】【一】【直】【沉】【迷】【在】【其】【中】【灵】【魂】【体】【系】【的】【量】【子】【纠】【缠】【态】【之】【中】，【不】【然】【的】【话】，【就】【会】【变】【成】【白】【痴】。 【姬】【风】【苏】【醒】【过】【来】【之】【后】，【算】【计】【着】【自】【身】【元】【素】【系】【统】【中】【的】【怪】【物】【的】【气】【运】【之】【力】【的】【数】【量】。 【此】【时】【姬】【风】【的】【体】【内】【元】买马准确最高的网站“【可】【有】【此】【事】？”【潘】【慕】【宸】【这】【样】【一】【问】，【副】【官】【满】【头】【大】【汗】【不】【敢】【回】【话】。【孟】【三】【姨】【有】【点】【慌】【了】，【但】【依】【然】【理】【直】【气】【壮】【的】【双】【手】【叉】【腰】，【斩】【钉】【截】【铁】【的】【说】：“【大】【人】，【绝】【无】【此】【事】！【还】【希】【望】【大】【人】【不】【要】【轻】【信】【这】【个】【小】【贱】【人】【的】【话】，【她】【就】【是】【不】【满】【不】【能】【嫁】【给】【我】【夫】【君】，【所】【以】【故】【意】【报】【复】【我】！” “【大】【人】【大】【人】，【若】【我】【说】【的】【话】【有】【半】【句】【假】【话】，【那】【我】【天】【打】【雷】【劈】【不】【得】【好】【死】！【还】【请】【大】【人】【为】
【如】【果】【说】【原】【本】【昴】【阳】【象】【的】【实】【力】【在】【六】【阶】【巅】【峰】【之】【中】【的】【巅】【峰】。 【那】【么】【此】【时】【从】【怪】【谲】【图】【案】【之】【中】【融】【合】【这】【股】【能】【量】【的】【昴】【阳】【象】。 【则】【已】【经】【是】【半】【只】【脚】【跨】【出】【了】【六】【阶】。 【现】【在】【的】【它】，【可】【以】【算】【是】【超】【六】【阶】【或】【者】【说】【半】【步】【七】【阶】。 【昴】【阳】【象】【正】【是】【感】【受】【到】【这】【点】【变】【化】【才】【会】【如】【此】【的】【兴】【奋】。 【兴】【奋】【的】【叫】【喊】【了】【一】【声】【之】【后】。 【它】【顿】【时】【朝】【刚】【刚】【那】【个】【人】【类】【离】【开】【的】【方】【向】【追】【赶】