发布时间:2019-12-16 08:15:56|神机妙算刘伯温何冰电视| 来源 :福汇


  It was a case study in mixed messaging. On a Thursday in early January, Border Patrol union leaders appeared at a news briefing with President Trump, backing the shutdown and his plan for a wall on the southern border. A week later, employees of the Transportation Security Administration protested the shutdown outside Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport.

  Adding to the dissonance was this inconvenient detail: Both groups of workers are represented by the same umbrella organization, the American Federation of Government Employees, whose leadership has the unpleasant task of finessing their irreconcilable views.

  “There are some members at the Border Patrol that support the wall even if it means they have to go without pay, and we respect that,” said David Borer, the federation’s general counsel. “But there are many thousands more government employees for whom the paycheck is the first and only issue.”

  At a time when 800,000 federal employees — largely unionized — are going without pay, they might be expected to speak with one voice. In fact, the stress of the situation is highlighting differences in both tactics and philosophy.

  The federation, by far the biggest union of government workers, represents 700,000 employees in more than three dozen agencies, from the Coast Guard to the Census Bureau. It has been a hefty contributor to Democratic candidates and causes. But some groups within the organization, representing Border Patrol agents and immigration officers, endorsed Mr. Trump.

  The contrasting approaches complicate efforts to influence a dispute in which the ultimate weapon — the right to strike — is denied by law, and other traditional sources of leverage, like political lobbying, are less useful than usual.

  Beyond being unable to strike, a vast majority of federal workers are forbidden to collectively bargain over wages and benefits, which are set by Congress. The unions that represent them bargain over work rules and working conditions — like safety measures or whether they can telecommute — and due-process rights for workers who have been disciplined or fired.

  But just because the unions can’t bargain over pay and benefits doesn’t mean they exert no influence on these questions. The unions maintain close relationships with powerful members of Congress, stemming in part from political spending.

  The American Federation of Government Employees spent over million in the 2016 campaign cycle, between contributions to candidates and “super PAC” expenditures that paid for ads and turnout efforts. Nearly 90 percent of the contributions went to Democratic candidates.

  Many members of Congress, especially in less populated areas, are also aware that federal employees are among their largest blocs of voters.

  On a trip to Washington this month, Eric Young, president of the federation’s labor council representing 30,000 federal prison workers, met with the Senate’s Democratic caucus. Mr. Young said his members, many of them military veterans, were nearing their breaking point after working for weeks without pay. He has met with the staffs of several swing Republicans, like Senators Cory Gardner of Colorado and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, to tell them that he would hold lawmakers responsible if the shutdown resulted in death or injury for any of his members.

  “They will absolutely have blood on their hands,” Mr. Young said in an interview. “When people are distracted by trying to pay their bills, they may take their eyes off an inmate they’re supposed to be supervising.”

  As he was making the rounds in the Capitol, his members were picketing the office of Senator Mitch McConnell, the majority leader, in Lexington, Ky. And this week the prison workers’ council erected billboards across the state, home to five federal prisons, saying the shutdown is hurting law enforcement and putting the onus on Mr. McConnell to end it.

  Historically, the combination of this inside game and grass-roots pressure gave the unions sway in Washington. Last year, after Mr. Trump proposed freezing federal pay, the unions used their influence in the Senate to help pass the nearly 2 percent pay increase they sought — by a 92 to 6 margin. (The president later issued an executive order blocking the increase, which Congress is likely to seek to overturn whenever it passes legislation to fund the rest of the government.)

  The shutdown is putting that model to the test. Most Senate Republicans, however sympathetic they may be privately, have so far resisted the appeals of union officials, deferring to the president on a fight he says is central to his re-election. And the raw emotion of the shutdown is fraying some labor unions that are typically united on matters that affect their personal bottom lines.

  The Border Patrol, whose leadership has been most outspoken about backing Mr. Trump, employs a tiny fraction of the hundreds of thousands of workers affected by the impasse in Washington. But the tensions are being felt more broadly.

  John Kostelnik, the head of the union local that represents about 850 workers at a federal prison in Victorville, Calif., said the border wall and the shutdown had become divisive topics at his workplace, where political discussions are normally rare.

  “It’s created a political environment within the prison, which is the last thing you want when our brothers and sisters are trying to protect themselves,” said Mr. Kostelnik, who estimates that his members split fairly evenly between Mr. Trump and Hillary Clinton in 2016. “It’s to the point where people are arguing with one another.”

  In a poll of 1,228 federal employees in mid-January by GovExec.com, most opposed the wall. But a surprising chunk — 21 percent — said they supported the shutdown.

  Even without the right to strike, workers could use other forms of pressure to end the stalemate — say, a work slowdown by air traffic controllers and airport security personnel to throttle air travel.

  “If this were done in certain key locations, choke points, it would have a big effect,” said Joseph A. McCartin, a labor historian at Georgetown University.

  Yet that does not appear to be in the cards. There is “no shortage of bright ideas about how we should slow the system down,” said Trish Gilbert, the executive vice president of the National Air Traffic Controllers Association, a union representing nearly 20,000 workers. “But that’s something we will never ever do.”

  Lurking in the background is the pervasive fear of repeating history. In 1981, when air traffic controllers began an unlawful strike, President Ronald Reagan fired almost all of them — over 11,000 — and barred them from ever being rehired. The episode traumatized the labor movement for decades.

  In addition, many of the agencies ordered to work through the shutdown are staffed by career civil servants or military veterans — the latter make up about 30 percent of the federal work force — who are conservative by disposition.

  “It’s not in the workplace culture of most federal workers to be rebels,” Mr. McCartin said. “They work within large organizations. It only works if the rules are respected.”

  Or as Lorie McCann, head of the National Treasury Employees Union chapter that represents Internal Revenue Service workers in the Chicago area, put it: “We’re kind of by-the-book people.”

  Still, union leaders said that beyond a certain point, many federal employees would no longer be able to afford to work without pay — especially those who have large work-related outlays, like child care and gas.

  “I think it’s going to eventually occur in the sense that people are not going to be able to get to work, they can’t afford to get to work,” said Mr. Young, the prison union leader.

  Today, airport screeners for the Transportation Security Administration are among the lowest-paid federal workers, earning an average of about ,000 a year.

  A growing number of T.S.A. workers are already calling in sick. One in 10 did not report to work on Sunday, often citing “financial limitations,” the agency said. If absenteeism remains high, it will add stress to an already strained industry.

  And other parts of the labor movement could also play a role. Sara Nelson, the president of the Association of Flight Attendants, said her union was “watching closely” to see whether the furlough or potential attrition began to seriously jeopardize safety.

  “If the system is unsafe, our members do not have to go to work,” Ms. Nelson said. “If the shutdown continues, our aviation network will unravel, and ultimately the entire system will come to a screeching halt.”



  神机妙算刘伯温何冰电视“【摆】【脱】【这】【些】【异】【族】【的】【纠】【缠】,【别】【管】【他】【们】,【我】【们】【快】【速】【前】【进】【摧】【毁】【掉】【这】【座】【城】【市】,【前】【往】【下】【一】【站】【寻】【找】【铭】【文】【技】【术】【资】【料】。” 【在】【一】【片】【能】【量】【的】【肆】【虐】【中】,【四】【阶】【三】【品】【的】【原】【辉】【拳】【头】【附】【带】【着】【恐】【怖】【的】【力】【场】,【瞬】【间】【秒】【杀】3【名】【四】【阶】【玩】【家】。 【心】【灵】【力】【量】【一】【扫】,【不】【管】【刚】【才】【被】【集】【火】【死】【亡】【的】【十】【几】【名】【四】【阶】【红】【眼】【人】,【情】【感】【本】【身】【淡】【薄】【和】【进】【入】【指】【挥】【状】【态】【的】【他】,【神】【情】【理】【智】【又】【冷】【漠】

【大】【利】【老】【祖】【拿】【起】【酒】【壶】【猛】【灌】【了】【一】【口】。 “【你】【们】【不】【在】【这】【么】【多】【年】,【发】【生】【的】【事】【情】【太】【多】【了】。【红】【木】【大】【陆】【通】【向】【其】【他】【大】【陆】【的】【通】【道】【被】【封】【印】【了】【这】【么】【多】【年】,【早】【就】【有】【了】【裂】【缝】。【稀】【奇】【古】【怪】【威】【力】【强】【大】【的】【怪】【兽】,【随】【便】【一】【只】【都】【要】【元】【婴】【期】【才】【镇】【的】【住】。【等】【裂】【缝】【越】【来】【越】【大】,【到】【时】【候】【连】【我】【们】【都】【镇】【不】【住】【的】【时】【候】,【红】【木】【大】【陆】【就】【要】【完】【了】。” “【事】【情】【已】【经】【严】【重】【到】【这】【个】【地】【步】【了】

【建】【筑】【的】【结】【构】【跟】【上】【次】【别】【无】【二】【致】,【但】【使】【用】【到】【的】【贵】【金】【属】【却】【高】【了】【足】【足】【一】【个】【档】【次】。 【除】【了】【民】【用】【的】【黄】【金】、【白】【银】、【铂】【金】,【更】【多】【的】【还】【是】【超】【凡】【世】【界】【的】【灵】【性】【材】【料】。 【为】【了】【建】【立】【这】【次】【的】【永】【久】【传】【送】【门】,【不】【止】【李】【瑞】,【连】【黄】【俊】【材】【和】【罗】【丽】【身】【上】【的】【贡】【献】【点】【都】【被】【榨】【干】【了】。 【要】【不】【是】【秘】【境】【中】【的】【【石】【髓】】【续】【了】【一】【波】【命】,【李】【瑞】【估】【计】【一】【两】【年】【都】【凑】【不】【齐】【材】【料】! 【将】

  “【炎】【墨】【寒】,【我】【太】【崇】【拜】【你】【了】。”【林】【婉】【儿】【兴】【奋】【的】【跳】【起】【来】,【但】【是】【有】【一】【点】【她】【不】【解】:“【可】【是】【上】【官】【将】【军】【是】【你】【的】【姨】【父】,【你】” “【哼】,【他】【可】【从】【没】【在】【乎】【过】【这】【层】【关】【系】。” 【林】【婉】【儿】【从】【他】【眼】【里】【看】【到】【了】【他】【对】【上】【官】【景】【熠】【的】【仇】【恨】,【可】【是】【又】【是】【因】【为】【什】【么】【事】【情】【导】【致】【的】?【于】【是】【她】【想】【到】【他】【爹】【回】【京】【途】【中】【被】【人】【行】【刺】【险】【些】【丧】【命】,【虽】【然】【查】【出】【了】【幕】【后】【主】【使】【者】【但】【是】【由】神机妙算刘伯温何冰电视【黑】【沙】【平】【原】【地】【下】,【层】【层】【黑】【沙】【高】【达】【万】【丈】。 【黑】【沙】【底】【下】,【是】【一】【片】【寂】【静】【的】【流】【沙】,【流】【沙】【颗】【颗】【如】【黑】【珍】【珠】【一】【般】【圆】【润】【光】【滑】,【与】【整】【片】【大】【地】【连】【成】【一】【体】。 【流】【沙】【底】【下】,【幽】【冥】【之】【力】【无】【声】【的】【将】【流】【沙】【排】【开】,【形】【成】【一】【个】【空】【洞】【的】【空】【间】。 【幽】【冥】【之】【力】【越】【往】【中】【心】【越】【盛】,【几】【乎】【化】【为】【实】【质】【一】【般】。 【最】【中】【心】【处】,【一】【丝】【幽】【冥】【地】【界】【孕】【育】【的】【本】【源】【之】【力】【化】【为】【一】【只】【小】【兽】,【安】

  【刘】【照】【笑】【了】【一】【声】,【从】【大】【堂】【内】【取】【了】【青】【龙】【偃】【月】【刀】,【大】【步】【流】【星】【走】【向】【北】【门】。 【北】【门】【外】,【呢】【不】【勒】【奇】【单】【枪】【立】【于】【荒】【漠】【戈】【壁】【之】【中】。 【城】【墙】【上】【弓】【箭】【满】【弦】,【只】【待】【将】【军】【一】【声】【喝】,【便】【会】【万】【箭】【齐】【发】。 【刘】【照】【上】【的】【城】【墙】,【青】【龙】【偃】【月】【刀】【咚】【的】【一】【声】【杵】【在】【城】【墙】【上】。 “【呢】【不】【勒】【奇】【你】【敢】【来】【我】【漠】【北】!” 【吴】【钩】【喝】【了】【一】【声】,【手】【高】【举】,【将】【要】【挥】【下】。 【呢】【不】【勒】【奇】

  【妃】【逆】【赶】【紧】【重】【新】【替】【他】【检】【查】,【真】【的】【他】【还】【活】【着】。 【茉】【凌】【风】,【无】【论】【如】【何】,【我】【要】【救】【活】【你】! 【妃】【逆】【给】【他】【吃】【了】【颗】【急】【救】【的】【药】,【检】【查】【他】【的】【身】【体】【四】【肢】,【全】【部】【烧】【焦】。【万】【幸】【的】【是】,【那】【张】【脸】【还】【在】。【虽】【然】【受】【到】【小】【伤】,【并】【没】【破】【相】。 【茉】【凌】【风】,【我】【发】【誓】,【此】【生】【一】【定】【要】【替】【你】【治】【疗】【好】【你】【所】【有】【的】【伤】,【让】【你】【恢】【复】【如】【初】。 【妃】【逆】【心】【中】【一】【阵】【阵】【内】【疚】。 【他】【将】【两】【个】

  “【小】【姐】,【府】【上】【来】【客】【人】【了】。” 【屋】【外】【传】【来】【丫】【鬟】【的】【声】【音】,【上】【官】【翎】【暂】【住】【秦】【府】【同】【时】【也】【买】【了】【一】【些】【丫】【鬟】【回】【来】【打】【理】【这】【间】【宅】【院】。 【客】【人】?【上】【官】【翎】【从】【叶】【语】【身】【上】【起】【身】【边】【穿】【衣】【服】【边】【向】【外】【头】【问】【道】:“【是】【什】【么】【人】?” “【是】【位】【姑】【娘】,【说】【是】【小】【姐】【和】【姑】【爷】【的】【朋】【友】,【姓】【诗】。” 【听】【到】【这】【话】【上】【官】【翎】【回】【头】【就】【瞪】【了】【一】【眼】【叶】【语】,【道】:“【找】【你】【的】,【还】【不】【起】【来】!”